A Nobel Prize for a Chinese Dissident 呼吁诺贝尔和平奖授予一位中国异见人士

   By VACLAV HAVEL, DANA NEMCOVA, and VACLAV MALY瓦茨拉夫• 哈维尔 丹纳•尼姆科娃 瓦茨拉夫•玛丽
　　Published: September 20, 2010 2010年9月20日

　　PRAGUE — It is hard to believe that it was more than 30 years ago that we, a group of 242 private citizens concerned about human rights in Czechoslovakia, came together to sign a manifesto called Charter 77. That document called on the Communist Party to respect human rights, and said clearly that we no longer wanted to live in fear of state repression. 发自布拉格 很难相信，30多年前，我们是一个由242位普通公民组成的关心捷克斯洛伐克人权状况的团体，我们走到一起签署了一份被称为《77宪章》的宣言。这份文件要求执政的共产主义政党尊重人权，同时明确表达出不再想继续生活在对国家暴力的恐惧之下。

　　Our disparate group included ex-Communists, Catholics, Protestants, workers, liberal intellectuals, artists and writers who came together to speak with one voice. We were united by our dissatisfaction with a regime that demanded acts of obedience on an almost daily basis: Shopkeepers were pressured to put up propaganda signs that read “Workers of the world, unite!” Schoolchildren, students and workers were compelled to march in May Day parades. Office workers had to denounce American imperialism at the start of the workday. Citizens had to “vote” in elections in which the only choice was the ruling party. 我们的差异团体包括前共产党员、天主教徒、基督徒(新教)、工人、自由知识分子、艺术家、作家，大家聚在一起只为发出同一种声音。因为对几乎任何事情上都要求服从的政体不满，我们联合在一起。商店的店主会被要求挂上“全世界无产阶级，团结起来”的宣传标语。学生和工人被迫使参加五一的游行。每周一上班族都不得不谴责美国帝国主义，公民必须在“选举”中投票，而唯一的选择就是执政党。

　　Communist parties, then as now, prefer to divide and conquer. After Charter 77 was released, the government did its best to try and break us up. We were detained, and four of us eventually went to jail for several years. The authorities also got back at us in petty ways (including the suspension of driver’s licenses and confiscation of typewriters). Surveillance was stepped up, our homes and offices were searched, and a barrage of press attacks based on malicious lies sought to discredit us and our movement. This onslaught only strengthened our bonds. Charter 77 also reminded many of our fellow citizens who were silently suffering that they were not alone. In time, many of the ideas set forth in Charter 77 prevailed in Czechoslovakia. A wave of similar democratic reforms swept Eastern Europe in 1989. 那时的(捷克斯洛伐克)共产党就像现在一样，喜欢分而治之，各个击破。在《77宪章》公布之后，政府尽它最大的力量去使它中断。我们被拘留，我们团体的四个人甚至被关进监狱几年。当局也在一些小事情上报复我们，包括暂停驾驶员的汽车执照和没收打印机。监视被升级，我们的住所和办公室被搜查。新闻媒体用恶意的谎言密集抨击我们，目的是使我们和我们的运动名声败坏，不被信任。打压使我们更加团结。《77宪章》也提醒许多我们沉默的受害者，吾道不孤，必有邻。最终，《77宪章》中提出的许多主张在捷克斯洛伐克流行起来。1989年东欧地区发生了类似的民主改革浪潮。

　　We never would have guessed that our short manifesto would find an echo in China some 30 years later. In December 2008, a group of 303 Chinese activists, lawyers, intellectuals, academics, retired government officials, workers and peasants put forward their own manifesto titled Charter 08, calling for constitutional government, respect for human rights and other democratic reforms. It was published to mark the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Despite the best efforts of government officials to keep it off of Chinese computer screens, Charter 08 reached a nationwide audience via the Internet, and new signatories eventually reached more than 10,000. 我们从来没有想到我们短短的宣言会在30年后的中国发生回音。2008年12月，303名中国社会活动家、律师、知识分子、学者、退休政府官员、工人以及农民提出了他们名为《08宪章》的主张。它呼吁宪政、尊重人权和其他的民主改革。它是纪念《世界人权宣言》颁布60周年。尽管中国官方尽最大的能力试图在互联网上屏蔽它，《08宪章》通过互联网影响范围扩展至整个中国，有超过1万名宪章签署者。

　　As in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s, the response of the Chinese government was swift and brutal. Dozens if not hundreds of signatories were called in for questioning. A handful of perceived ringleaders were detained. Professional promotions were held up, research grants denied and applications to travel abroad rejected. Newspapers and publishing houses were ordered to blacklist anyone who had signed Charter 08. Most seriously, the prominent writer and dissident Liu Xiaobo, a key drafter of Charter 08, was arrested. Liu had already spent five years in prison for his support of peaceful Tiananmen Square protests in 1989. Held for more than a year with limited access to his wife or his lawyer, Liu was put on trial for subversion. In December 2009, he was sentenced to 11 years in prison. 就像20世纪70年代的捷克斯洛伐克，中国政府的反应是迅速的也是野蛮的。许多中国08宪章签署者被询问。少数被认为是发起人的签名者被扣留。专业人员的晋升被停止、研究基金被否决、申请出国旅游被拒。新闻媒体和出版社将08宪章签署者列为黑名单。最严重的是，知名作家、持不同政见者、08宪章的主要起草人，刘晓波先生被逮捕。因为支持1989年的天安门广场和平反对运动，他已经坐过5年牢。在被关押了一年多之后，关押期间会见妻子和律师的次数是被限制的，他被以颠覆国家政权罪审判。在2009年的12月份，他被判刑11年。

　　Despite Liu’s imprisonment, his ideas cannot be shackled. Charter 08 has articulated an alternative vision of China, challenging the official line that any decisions on reforms are the exclusive province of the state. It has encouraged younger Chinese to become politically active, and boldly made the case for the rule of law and constitutional multiparty democracy. And it has served as a jumping-off point for a series of conversations and essays on how to get there. 尽管刘晓波先生被关在监狱，他的思想并没有被桎梏。08宪章已经是未来中国一个可供选择的愿景，对官方认为任何改革必须由国家主导的想法是一个冲击。它鼓励年轻的中国人成为政治上的积极分子，大胆地主张法治和宪政多党民主。它被认为是一个起点，目前已经有很多关于怎样实现它的论文和研讨会。

　　Perhaps most important, as in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s, Charter 08 has forged connections among different groups that did not exist before. Before Charter 08, “we had to live in a certain kind of separate and solitary state,” one signatory wrote. “We were not good at expressing our own personal experiences to those around us.” 就像在1970年代的捷克斯洛伐克，可能最重要的是08宪章使以前并不存在联系的团体聚合起来。一位签署者(译注：个人判断是 @cuiweiping 老师)写到，“在此之前，我们生活在固定的孤独的分裂原子状态中，我们不善于向身边的人表达个人内在的体验”

　　Liu Xiaobo and Charter 08 are changing that, for the better. 刘晓波和其他签署者使这种情况向更好的方向上改变

　　Of course, Charter 08 addresses a political milieu very different from 1970s Czechoslovakia. In its quest for economic growth, China has seemed to embrace some features far removed from traditional Communism. Especially for young, urban, educated white-collar workers, China can seem like a post-Communist country. And yet, China’s Communist Party still has lines that cannot be crossed. In spearheading the creation of Charter 08, Liu Xiaobo crossed the starkest line of all: Do not challenge the Communist Party’s monopoly on political power, and do not suggest that China’s problems — including widespread corruption, labor unrest, and rampant environmental degradation — might be connected to the lack of progress on political reform. 当然，08宪章的环境与1970年代的捷克斯洛伐克大为不同，为了发展经济，在很多特征上中国已经不再是传统的共产主义社会。尤其在年轻人、城市居民、受过高等教育的白领工人身上，中国看起来似乎是一个后共产主义国家。中国共产党虽然说这两者并不抵触。在起草08宪章的发起者中，刘晓波先生挑战了统治者两点最根本的底线：不要挑战共产党在政治权力的垄断和不要认为中国存在的问题(包括：普遍存在的腐败、罢工、严重的环境危机)与中国缺乏政治体制改革有关联。

　　For making that very connection in an all too public way, Liu got more than a decade in prison. In an especially spiteful move, the authorities, perhaps fearful that his prison cell would become a political rallying point, have forced him to serve his sentence in the northeastern province of Liaoning, far from his wife Liu Xia and friends in Beijing. 为了公开联合社会各阶层，刘晓波先生被判11年。当局可能害怕这次入狱会成政治的聚集点，而选择将他关在远离他在北京的妻子刘霞和众多朋友的辽宁省，位中国东北地区。(译者注：锦州监狱)

　　Liu may be isolated, but he is not forgotten. Next month, the Nobel Peace Prize Committee will announce the recipient of the 2010 prize. We ask the Nobel Committee to honor Liu Xiaobo’s more than two decades of unflinching and peaceful advocacy for reform, and to make him the first Chinese recipient of that prestigious award. In doing so, the Nobel Committee would signal both to Liu and to the Chinese government that many inside China and around the world stand in solidarity with him, and his unwavering vision of freedom and human rights for the 1. 3 billion people of China. 刘晓波可能被隔绝，但他不会被遗忘。下个月，诺贝尔和平奖委员会将会宣布2010年度的得奖者。我们请求诺贝尔委员会将它授予二十多年以来一直无所畏惧一直主张和平改革的刘晓波先生。使他成为这一殊荣的第一位中国获奖者。(译注：达赖喇嘛尊者1989年得过此奖)。如果这样，诺贝尔颁奖委员会是给中国政府和刘晓波先生申明，中国境内和遍布全球的很多人都和站在他的这边，他是13亿中国人中坚定追求自由与人权的榜样。

　　Vaclav Havelis the former president of the Czech Republic. Dana Nemcova is a leading Czech human rights advocate, and Vaclav Maly is the bishop of Prague. All three are signatories of Charter 77 and former leaders of the 1989 Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia. 哈维尔是捷克共和国的前总统 丹纳•尼姆科娃是一位捷克人权领袖 瓦茨拉夫•玛丽是布拉格主教。三人都是77宪章的签署者，1989捷克斯洛伐克天鹅绒革命的领袖。