A Nobel Prize for a Chinese Dissident 呼吁诺贝尔和平奖授予一位中国异见人士

   By VACLAV HAVEL, DANA NEMCOVA, and VACLAV MALY瓦茨拉夫• 哈维尔 丹纳•尼姆科娃 瓦茨拉夫•玛丽
　　Published: September 20, 2010 2010年9月20日

　　PRAGUE — It is hard to believe that it was more than 30 years ago that we, a group of 242 private citizens concerned about human rights in Czechoslovakia, came together to sign a manifesto called Charter 77. That document called on the Communist Party to respect human rights, and said clearly that we no longer wanted to live in fear of state repression. 发自布拉格 很难相信，30多年前，我们是一个由242位普通公民组成的关心捷克斯洛伐克人权状况的团体，我们走到一起签署了一份被称为《77宪章》的宣言。这份文件要求执政的共产主义政党尊重人权，同时明确表达出不再想继续生活在对国家暴力的恐惧之下。

　　Our disparate group included ex-Communists, Catholics, Protestants, workers, liberal intellectuals, artists and writers who came together to speak with one voice. We were united by our dissatisfaction with a regime that demanded acts of obedience on an almost daily basis: Shopkeepers were pressured to put up propaganda signs that read “Workers of the world, unite!” Schoolchildren, students and workers were compelled to march in May Day parades. Office workers had to denounce American imperialism at the start of the workday. Citizens had to “vote” in elections in which the only choice was the ruling party. 我们的差异团体包括前共产党员、天主教徒、基督徒(新教)、工人、自由知识分子、艺术家、作家，大家聚在一起只为发出同一种声音。因为对几乎任何事情上都要求服从的政体不满，我们联合在一起。商店的店主会被要求挂上“全世界无产阶级，团结起来”的宣传标语。学生和工人被迫使参加五一的游行。每周一上班族都不得不谴责美国帝国主义，公民必须在“选举”中投票，而唯一的选择就是执政党。

　　Communist parties, then as now, prefer to divide and conquer. After Charter 77 was released, the government did its best to try and break us up. We were detained, and four of us eventually went to jail for several years. The authorities also got back at us in petty ways (including the suspension of driver’s licenses and confiscation of typewriters). Surveillance was stepped up, our homes and offices were searched, and a barrage of press attacks based on malicious lies sought to discredit us and our movement. This onslaught only strengthened our bonds. Charter 77 also reminded many of our fellow citizens who were silently suffering that they were not alone. In time, many of the ideas set forth in Charter 77 prevailed in Czechoslovakia. A wave of similar democratic reforms swept Eastern Europe in 1989. 那时的(捷克斯洛伐克)共产党就像现在一样，喜欢分而治之，各个击破。在《77宪章》公布之后，政府尽它最大的力量去使它中断。我们被拘留，我们团体的四个人甚至被关进监狱几年。当局也在一些小事情上报复我们，包括暂停驾驶员的汽车执照和没收打印机。监视被升级，我们的住所和办公室被搜查。新闻媒体用恶意的谎言密集抨击我们，目的是使我们和我们的运动名声败坏，不被信任。打压使我们更加团结。《77宪章》也提醒许多我们沉默的受害者，吾道不孤，必有邻。最终，《77宪章》中提出的许多主张在捷克斯洛伐克流行起来。1989年东欧地区发生了类似的民主改革浪潮。

　　We never would have guessed that our short manifesto would find an echo in China some 30 years later. In December 2008, a group of 303 Chinese activists, lawyers, intellectuals, academics, retired government officials, workers and peasants put forward their own manifesto titled Charter 08, calling for constitutional government, respect for human rights and other democratic reforms. It was published to mark the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Despite the best efforts of government officials to keep it off of Chinese computer screens, Charter 08 reached a nationwide audience via the Internet, and new signatories eventually reached more than 10,000. 我们从来没有想到我们短短的宣言会在30年后的中国发生回音。2008年12月，303名中国社会活动家、律师、知识分子、学者、退休政府官员、工人以及农民提出了他们名为《08宪章》的主张。它呼吁宪政、尊重人权和其他的民主改革。它是纪念《世界人权宣言》颁布60周年。尽管中国官方尽最大的能力试图在互联网上屏蔽它，《08宪章》通过互联网影响范围扩展至整个中国，有超过1万名宪章签署者。

　　As in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s, the response of the Chinese government was swift and brutal. Dozens if not hundreds of signatories were called in for questioning. A handful of perceived ringleaders were detained. Professional promotions were held up, research grants denied and applications to travel abroad rejected. Newspapers and publishing houses were ordered to blacklist anyone who had signed Charter 08. Most seriously, the prominent writer and dissident Liu Xiaobo, a key drafter of Charter 08, was arrested. Liu had already spent five years in prison for his support of peaceful Tiananmen Square protests in 1989. Held for more than a year with limited access to his wife or his lawyer, Liu was put on trial for subversion. In December 2009, he was sentenced to 11 years in prison. 就像20世纪70年代的捷克斯洛伐克，中国政府的反应是迅速的也是野蛮的。许多中国08宪章签署者被询问。少数被认为是发起人的签名者被扣留。专业人员的晋升被停止、研究基金被否决、申请出国旅游被拒。新闻媒体和出版社将08宪章签署者列为黑名单。最严重的是，知名作家、持不同政见者、08宪章的主要起草人，刘晓波先生被逮捕。因为支持1989年的天安门广场和平反对运动，他已经坐过5年牢。在被关押了一年多之后，关押期间会见妻子和律师的次数是被限制的，他被以颠覆国家政权罪审判。在2009年的12月份，他被判刑11年。

　　Despite Liu’s imprisonment, his ideas cannot be shackled. Charter 08 has articulated an alternative vision of China, challenging the official line that any decisions on reforms are the exclusive province of the state. It has encouraged younger Chinese to become politically active, and boldly made the case for the rule of law and constitutional multiparty democracy. And it has served as a jumping-off point for a series of conversations and essays on how to get there. 尽管刘晓波先生被关在监狱，他的思想并没有被桎梏。08宪章已经是未来中国一个可供选择的愿景，对官方认为任何改革必须由国家主导的想法是一个冲击。它鼓励年轻的中国人成为政治上的积极分子，大胆地主张法治和宪政多党民主。它被认为是一个起点，目前已经有很多关于怎样实现它的论文和研讨会。

　　Perhaps most important, as in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s, Charter 08 has forged connections among different groups that did not exist before. Before Charter 08, “we had to live in a certain kind of separate and solitary state,” one signatory wrote. “We were not good at expressing our own personal experiences to those around us.” 就像在1970年代的捷克斯洛伐克，可能最重要的是08宪章使以前并不存在联系的团体聚合起来。一位签署者(译注：个人判断是 @cuiweiping 老师)写到，“在此之前，我们生活在固定的孤独的分裂原子状态中，我们不善于向身边的人表达个人内在的体验”

　　Liu Xiaobo and Charter 08 are changing that, for the better. 刘晓波和其他签署者使这种情况向更好的方向上改变

　　Of course, Charter 08 addresses a political milieu very different from 1970s Czechoslovakia. In its quest for economic growth, China has seemed to embrace some features far removed from traditional Communism. Especially for young, urban, educated white-collar workers, China can seem like a post-Communist country. And yet, China’s Communist Party still has lines that cannot be crossed. In spearheading the creation of Charter 08, Liu Xiaobo crossed the starkest line of all: Do not challenge the Communist Party’s monopoly on political power, and do not suggest that China’s problems — including widespread corruption, labor unrest, and rampant environmental degradation — might be connected to the lack of progress on political reform. 当然，08宪章的环境与1970年代的捷克斯洛伐克大为不同，为了发展经济，在很多特征上中国已经不再是传统的共产主义社会。尤其在年轻人、城市居民、受过高等教育的白领工人身上，中国看起来似乎是一个后共产主义国家。中国共产党虽然说这两者并不抵触。在起草08宪章的发起者中，刘晓波先生挑战了统治者两点最根本的底线：不要挑战共产党在政治权力的垄断和不要认为中国存在的问题(包括：普遍存在的腐败、罢工、严重的环境危机)与中国缺乏政治体制改革有关联。

　　For making that very connection in an all too public way, Liu got more than a decade in prison. In an especially spiteful move, the authorities, perhaps fearful that his prison cell would become a political rallying point, have forced him to serve his sentence in the northeastern province of Liaoning, far from his wife Liu Xia and friends in Beijing. 为了公开联合社会各阶层，刘晓波先生被判11年。当局可能害怕这次入狱会成政治的聚集点，而选择将他关在远离他在北京的妻子刘霞和众多朋友的辽宁省，位中国东北地区。(译者注：锦州监狱)

　　Liu may be isolated, but he is not forgotten. Next month, the Nobel Peace Prize Committee will announce the recipient of the 2010 prize. We ask the Nobel Committee to honor Liu Xiaobo’s more than two decades of unflinching and peaceful advocacy for reform, and to make him the first Chinese recipient of that prestigious award. In doing so, the Nobel Committee would signal both to Liu and to the Chinese government that many inside China and around the world stand in solidarity with him, and his unwavering vision of freedom and human rights for the 1. 3 billion people of China. 刘晓波可能被隔绝，但他不会被遗忘。下个月，诺贝尔和平奖委员会将会宣布2010年度的得奖者。我们请求诺贝尔委员会将它授予二十多年以来一直无所畏惧一直主张和平改革的刘晓波先生。使他成为这一殊荣的第一位中国获奖者。(译注：达赖喇嘛尊者1989年得过此奖)。如果这样，诺贝尔颁奖委员会是给中国政府和刘晓波先生申明，中国境内和遍布全球的很多人都和站在他的这边，他是13亿中国人中坚定追求自由与人权的榜样。

　　Vaclav Havelis the former president of the Czech Republic. Dana Nemcova is a leading Czech human rights advocate, and Vaclav Maly is the bishop of Prague. All three are signatories of Charter 77 and former leaders of the 1989 Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia. 哈维尔是捷克共和国的前总统 丹纳•尼姆科娃是一位捷克人权领袖 瓦茨拉夫•玛丽是布拉格主教。三人都是77宪章的签署者，1989捷克斯洛伐克天鹅绒革命的领袖。

纽约时报 请将诺贝尔和平奖授予刘晓波

核心提示：作为对哈维尔公开信的自然反反应，推特上的中国人开始流传呼吁诺贝尔和平奖委员会授奖给刘晓波的联名信。
　　原文：Petition Urges Nobel for Jailed Chinese Writer
　　作者：安德鲁·雅各布斯(ANDREW JACOBS)
　　发表时间：2010年9月25日 发自北京
　　译者：JL
　　校对：@xiaomi2020
　　



　　                                                        2002年的刘晓波
　　北京——300百名学者、律师、工人、退休政府官员联名签署一份呼吁书，请求诺贝尔和平奖颁奖委员会将今年的和平奖颁给刘晓波先生，这项行动的确使中国政府感到恼怒。刘晓波先生是一位正在狱中的作家，在一生中的多数时间里，他都投身到了对中国的民主改革的呼吁中。
　　去年12月，54岁的刘晓波先生，评论家，一度是位文学教授，因为撰写了被政府认为意在颠覆国家政权的文章而被判11年。但是他最大的罪行是作为08宪章的起草人之一。08宪章呼吁中国共产党尊重人权、以司法独立、多党竞选来结束其独裁统治。
　　08宪章以30多年前捷克斯洛伐克的人权捍卫者起草的77宪章为榜样，在被政府审查系统将它从网络上删除之前，已经获得了超过10,000人的签名，在去年12月被定罪之前，刘晓波先生曾因为赞成民主的主张被劳教三年。
　　周五发起的这次请愿活动始于捷克斯洛伐克天鹅绒革命的领袖：瓦茨拉夫• 哈维尔(Vaclav Havel,) 丹纳•尼姆科娃(Dana Nemcova) 瓦茨拉夫•玛丽(Vaclav Maly)等人在“国际先锋论坛”发表公开信支持刘晓波获选的第二天。
　　“我们请求诺贝尔奖评审委员会表彰刘晓波先生在过去二十多年的时间里，毫不退缩地坚持和平改革的主张，使他成为第一名获此殊荣的中国人。通过颁授此奖，诺奖委员会将向刘晓波和中国政府传达一个信号，那就是：中国和世界上的许多人，将与刘晓波携手并肩，继续为13亿中国人的自由和人权坚定奋斗。”
　　除了签名支持公开信以外，联署的中国人还重申了对政府的批评，包括政治腐败、缺乏社会公正。呼吁书建议，如果刘晓波先生获奖，将影响一个无迹象放弃一党专政的国家的政治改变。
　　张祖桦，一位坦率直言的政治理论家，已经签署了此次呼吁书。他将此次呼吁书看做对哈维尔等人公开信的一个自发反应。因为实际上中国政府有效地在互联网上将此消息屏蔽了，联名签署次已经在推特上开始流传行。推特在中国大陆只有通过突破中国的“长城防火墙”才能登陆。
　　张先生说：“因为明显的原因，我不能道告知谁是本次联名签署的作者。”张先生也因为涉及到08宪章的事情而被警察24小时监控。“但是我希望诺贝尔和平奖委员会能够更关注中国，现在中国急需得这种关注。”
　　中国的人权倡议者过去就曾经燃起过希望，后来又破灭了。2008年，胡佳，另一位异议者曾经服刑三年半，据说已进入围最后的候选人名单。但是那一年，该奖颁给了芬兰的前总统阿赫蒂萨里(Martti Ahtisaari)。
　　Li Bibo 对此文有贡献